Huawei’s semiconductor chips subsidiary is hiring global genius

Huawei’s semiconductor chips subsidiary is hiring global genius amid a US chip ban, a move that experts said is a well-planned counter to US bullying that shows the company’s confidence in becoming self-sufficient in chips supply in about two years.

Huawei’s chip design company HiSilicon announced that it is recruiting talented young people from around the world, and offering competitive salaries and positions, according to media reports. The recruitment targets the world’s outstanding post-graduate and doctoral students who have graduated or will graduate from January 1, 2017 to December 31, 2021. 

This recruitment program shows that Huawei is expanding its talent base and preparing to expand the scope of research and development, which shows its confidence to the outside world.
“In the future, Huawei may face rising attack from the US, which will force it to expand its recruitment of talent to expand its scope of research and development,” 
The US’ latest move to restrict Huawei comes after Washington made a rule change that would require foreign manufacturers using US chipmaking equipment to get a license before being able to sell semiconductors to Huawei.

As the China-US technology battle continues to heat up, the US Semiconductor Industry Association is seeking $37 billion in federal funding for factory construction and research.

To shield its operations from the US crackdowns, Huawei has stockpiled up to two years’ worth of crucial chips, according to the Nikkei Asian Review. The stockpile shows that Huawei is confident of upgrading its manufacturing ability within two years, experts said.
“In two years, the problems facing Huawei could be eventually solved. It may be able to diversify its supply chain as China is stepping up the construction of its own semiconductor foundry sector. Technology will also be upgraded to a relatively large degree within two years,” 

Lion land and air autonomous vehicle

Tsinghua University 清华大学 Professor of Vehicle and Carrier Academy, Chinese Academy of Engineering fellow Li Jun’s team successfully developed the first generation of Lion land and air autonomous vehicle. It is the world’s first electric land/air drone with integrated intelligent navigation.

The drone uses a traditional 2-wheel drive chassis for better range on ground navigation, the rotors are used to achieve a higher degree of maneuverability. It features vertical take-off and landing, hovering, 3D navigation, ground cruising, automatic object avoidance and tracking, and other functions.

Trump threatened to invoking an 1807 Insurrection Act to mobilize the military

Trump threatened to invoking an 1807  Insurrection Act to mobilize the military around the country and “quickly solve the problem.”

“I will deploy the United States military and quickly solve the problem for them. I am also taking swift and decisive action to protect our great capitol, Washington, DC. What happened in this city last night was a total disgrace,” , “Those who threaten innocent life and property will be arrested, detained and prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law. I want the organizers of this terror to be on notice that you will face severe criminal penalties and lengthy sentences in jail.”

The Insurrection Act is brief. It allows the president, at the REQUEST of a state government, to federalize the National Guard and to use the remainder of the Armed Forces to suppress an insurrection against that state’s government. It further allows for the president to do the same in a state without the explicit consent of a state’s government if it becomes impracticable to enforce federal laws through ordinary proceedings or if states are unable to safeguard its inhabitants’ civil rights.
The general purpose of the Insurrection Act is to limit presidential power, relying on state and local governments for initial response in the event of insurrection. The Posse Comitatus Act prohibits the use of the United States Army and Air Force (which has also been extended by executive direction to the Navy) for routine law enforcement. Actions taken under the Insurrection Act, as an “Act of Congress”, are exempt from the Posse Comitatus Act.

Read the Act. Or arrest the governors first, then move the troops in. Then again, the coup can go either ways.

French Revolution and our current moment

Fear sweeps the land. Many businesses collapse. Some huge fortunes are made. Panicked consumers stockpile paper, food, and weapons. The government’s reaction is inconsistent and ineffectual. Ordinary commerce grinds to a halt; investors can find no safe assets. Political factionalism grows more intense. Everything falls apart. This was all as true of revolutionary France in 1789 and 1790 as it is of the United States today.
Analogies between the first months of the French Revolution and our current moment are easy to draw. Fauci, the infectious-diseases expert whom Trump often sidelines or ignores, is Jacques Necker, the popular finance minister to Louis XVI. Necker’s firing in early July 1789 was viewed widely as a calamity: “It was like losing your father,” the mathematician and astronomer Jean Sylvain Bailly wrote in his memoirs. The recent spike in American gun and ammunition sales recalls the Parisians who stormed the Bastille Fortress in the hope of finding weapons and gunpowder. (They incidentally released a handful of individuals imprisoned there, but that was not the crowd’s original intent.) The conflict among city, state, and federal officials over coronavirus-related closures directly parallels 1789’s municipal revolutions, in which some cities had leaders who quickly proclaimed devotion to the new National Assembly, while the leaders of other cities remained loyal to the old structures of absolutist royal power and the mayors and aldermen of yet others were violently deposed.
Much like the past 40 years in the United States and Western Europe, the 1700s were a period of remarkable economic, social, and technological transformation. Comparatively cheap mass-manufactured goods from Britain and China sparked what historians call the 18th-century “consumer revolution.”
As sources of information proliferated, long-standing sources of authority (monarchy, aristocracy, and the established Church) feared losing power and turned reactionary. At the same time, the longer-term transformations on which these social and cultural innovations were built—the growth of European overseas empires and the emergence of settler colonialism, massive silver exports from South and Central America, the trans-Atlantic slave trade—continued, and in ever more brutal forms. More than 6 millionAfricans were sold into slavery in the 18th century—a time that some still call the “Age of Enlightenment.”
In the summer of 1789, as peasants attacked chateaus and revolutionaries vowed to “abolish privilege,” many members of the elite felt that their world had suddenly fallen apart. In truth, it had been disintegrating for decades. Today, as in the 1790s, an old order is ending in convulsions. Even before the coronavirus prompted flight cancellations and entry bans, climate activists were rightly telling us to change our modes and patterns of travel. Even before nonessential businesses were shut by government orders, online shopping and same-day deliveries were rapidly remaking retail commerce, while environmental concerns and anti-consumerism were revolutionizing the fashion industry. The pandemic and resulting public-health crisis have caused an abrupt and salutary revaluation in which cleaners, care workers, grocery-store stockers, and delivery drivers are gaining recognition for the essential work they have been doing all along. Taken together, these changes may not look like a revolution—but real revolutions are the ones that nobody sees coming.

The men and women who made the French Revolution—a revolution which, in a few short and hectic years, decriminalized heresy, blasphemy, and witchcraft; replaced one of the oldest European monarchies with a republic based on universal male suffrage; introduced no-fault divorce and easy adoption; embraced the ideal of formal equality before the law; and, for a short time at least, defined employment, education, and subsistence as basic human rights—had no model to follow, no plans, no platform agreed upon in advance. As the UCLA historian Lynn A. Hunt has argued, they made it up as they went along. Yet for more than two centuries, elements of their improvised politics have been revolution’s signature features: a declared sovereignty, devised symbols, an anthem, war. At the junction Americans face today, however, we need to imitate not the outcome of the French revolution but the energy, creativity, and optimism of the French revolutionaries.
Human beings are responsible both for much of what is wrong and for much of what could be right about the world today. But we have to take responsibility. In hindsight a revolution may look like a single event, but they are never experienced that way. Instead they are extended periods in which the routines of normal life are dislocated and existing rituals lose their meaning. They are deeply unsettling, but they are also periods of great creativity. As some Americans take shelter in their homes from a newly arrived threat and others put their health at risk to combat it, we can all mourn lost certainties, but we can also set about intentionally creating new possibilities. To claim this moment as a revolution is to claim it for human action.

Original post:

https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/04/revolution-only-getting-started/609463/?fbclid=IwAR3DByO414oVcNbU5VCI_A9a8PEGwiwOzsMKdZdiD8lj4P2hTaJH7gb2Ec4